Democracy in America

Hugo Chavez has survived the recall referendum. Nearly 60% of voters supported the Venezuelan president. The referendum came as a result of an agreement between Chavez and the opposition, in May 2003, mediated by the Organization of American States (OAS), the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and The Carter Center (an NGO established by former President Jimmy Carter). Article 72 of the Venezuelan constitution permits citizens to request – if they can gather the signatures of 20 percent of registered voters – a recall referendum on an elected leader halfway through his or her term. Yesterday, millions stood in line committed to vote in an expressive dedication to democratic participation. Chvez recieved a confortable victory, which hopefully will remove any question of Chavez's legitimacy.
The Bush administration has exerted its weight in support the Chavez oppostion. When Chvez was temporarily removed from power by a military coup, in April 2002, the US was quick to support the illegal government and blamed Chavez for creating instability. The State Department release at the time stated: "undemocratic actions committed or encouraged by the Chavez administration provoked yesterday's crisis in Venezuela." A popular uprising, however, reversed the coup and restored the elected President, Chavez, to government. The Bush administration has yet to exercise the same speed of recognition to the referendum results, although the Carter Center, which oversaw the process, has already accepted the Chavez victory.
This isn't the only country where the Bush adminstration has expressed support for the overthrow of democratically elected officials (while claiming to represent a beacon of democracy, of spreading democracy in the Middle East, etc). In February 2004, armed insurgents began to take over Haiti and overthrow the legitimate President, Jean-Bertrand Aristide. The miltias were lead by Guy Philippe, former U.S. Special Forces-trained Police Chief – trained in Ecuador under their guidance, and Jodal Chamblain, the C.I.A. supported death squad leader. The OAS and the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) attempted to broker a peace deal. However, the US rather than support these efforts, coerced Aristide to leave the country (see reports about the removal and interviews with Aristide on Democracy Now!).
The US recognizes the new government, but Caribbean leaders in a meeting last weekend were unable to make a final decision on whether to restore full diplomatic ties with Haiti. At least four heads of government have signaled their opposition to the move, St. Vincent, St. Lucia, Guyana, and Dominica. Aristide is presently in Jamaica.
The Center for American Progress outlines instances of the Bush Administration blatant support for a democratic candidate in another country in the Americas.

• In Nicaragua in 2001, U.S. Ambassador Oliver Garza appeared on the campaign trail with ruling party presidential candidate Enrique Bolaños, who was challenging Sandinista Daniel Ortega. The U.S. Embassy invited Bolaños to join the ambassador in handing out food to the poor. In another instance, Governor Jeb Bush of Florida ran an advertisement in La Prensa, Nicaragua's main newspaper, entitled, "George W. Bush Supports Enrique Bolaños." The ad described Ortega as "an enemy of everything the United States represents," and Enrique Bolaños as "a man whose past promises a future of freedom."
• In 2002, U.S. Ambassador Manuel Rocha warned the Bolivian people that the United States would discontinue aid if they elected Evo Morales, the leader of the coca growers, as the country's president. Some analysts believe that Morales' popularity grew in protest to the Bush administration's intervention.
• In 2004, Salvadorans elected center-right presidential candidate Tony Saca over Schafik Handal, the candidate of the former guerilla party, Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN). During the campaign, U.S. officials, including Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs Roger Noriega and Special Envoy Otto Reich, warned about the possible trade, economic and migratory consequences of an FMLN victory. Furthermore, just before the election, Republican Congressman Thomas Tancredo promised to introduce legislation that would complicate the ability of Salvadoran-Americans to send remittances to their families in El Salvador should the FMLN win the election. This was a worrisome threat, as Salvadorans depend upon the more than $2 billion they receive from their family members in the United States for survival. U.S. actions served to polarize Salvadoran politics, as Saca campaigned as the candidate who could protect remittances, while Handal seized on the anti-Americanism that the U.S. intervention generated.

Let hope the US is able to have an election in November without any hitches. Unlike those in 2000.